Showing posts with label Indigenous peoples. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Indigenous peoples. Show all posts

Monday, August 1, 2016

National Inquiry or National Disgrace? Trudeau’s Next Step is Critical


Before being elected Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau told Canadians and First Nations that there was no more important relationship to him than the one with Indigenous peoples. To this end, he promised to engage with First Nations on a Nation-to-Nation basis where free, informed and prior consent means a veto. Once elected, he reiterated his promises:

(1)   Engage in a Nation-to-Nation relationship with First Nations;

(2)   Lift the 2% cap in First Nations education;

(3)   Review and repeal all the legislation former Prime Minister Harper imposed on First Nations without their consent;

(4)   Implement all 94 Calls to Action from the Truth and Reconciliation Report, which includes implementing the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP); and

(5)   Complete a national inquiry on murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls.


True to his word, Trudeau’s first order of business was to mandate Indian Affairs Minister Carolyn Bennett, Justice Minister Jodi Wilson-Raybould and Status of Women Minister Patti Hajdu to develop an approach and mandate for an inquiry into murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls to find justice for them. By mid-December 2015, the first engagement sessions were held with the families of murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls, Indigenous women and their representative organizations, Indigenous leaders, and human rights experts to determine the scope and process of the inquiry. While these meetings were ongoing, Canada accepted written submissions and also engaged in an online survey regarding the scope and process for the inquiry.


It is important to note that both the pre-inquiry engagement process and the inquiry itself were to be done within a new political context - one which focused on openness. Trudeau promised to “bring new leadership and a new tone to Ottawa” and “set a higher bar for openness and transparency in government”. In fact, he went so far as to say that “Government and its information should be open by default.” His reasoning for doing so was to ensure that Canadians can trust their government and that government remains focused on the people it is meant to serve. All of these promises come straight from the Ministerial mandate letters.


As promised, the government posted the dates and locations of meetings; posted overviews of each session online; and issued a summary report of what they had heard once the pre-inquiry sessions had ended in March 2015. Out of respect for what seemed to be a mostly positive process, most leaders and advocates held back their commentary in hopes that the next stage would soon follow.

In the months which followed, none of the mandated Ministers reported on what was happening with regard to the inquiry. Some of us were wondering when they would establish a table to begin jointly drafting the Terms of Reference based on the input from these sessions and begin the process of jointly choosing the commissioners for the inquiry. Such a table was never established. Instead, we only found out that the Terms of Reference were in fact being unilaterally drafted by federal and provincial governments when they were leaked to the press. Shortly thereafter, the names of the Commissioners were also leaked. This is when it became very clear that the government reverted to its old secretive ways and had no real intention of working on a Nation-to-Nation basis with First Nations. It was clear Trudeau’s commitment to openness, transparency and working in partnership with Indigenous peoples had ended.


http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/missing-murdered-indigenous-women-inquiry-unlikely-to-have-mandate-to-review-police-conduct/article31020957/

Despite Trudeau’s personal promise made at the Chiefs in Assembly that the “process by which it [inquiry] is established will be fully inclusive”, numerous requests to be a part of the drafting process, and be provided direct updates and briefings from the INAC Minister’s office, were either met with silence or commitments cancelled at the last minute. It was obvious that the government was playing politics with one of the most urgent issues ever to face Canada – the very lives of Indigenous women and girls. The renewed Nation-to-Nation relationship with Indigenous peoples was supposed to be based on “recognition of rights, respect, co-operation and partnership”. Trudeau had mandated these and other Ministers to work to gain the trust of Indigenous peoples and Canadians by demonstrating “honesty and willingness to listen”. Clearly, these Ministers have lost their way in regards to the national inquiry.

Being completely excluded from the drafting of the Terms of Reference and choosing the Commissioners was bad enough, but to face the wall of silence and exclusion made things much worse. Some of the families started to lose faith; Indigenous leaders were forced to speak out; and some Indigenous and allied advocates were pushed to raise their concerns publicly, since the direct route had been cut off. To make matters worse, the content of the draft Terms of Reference that were shared by the media, was a real slap in the face to many of those who participated in the engagement sessions, who made written submissions and/or who have tried to work very hard with various Ministers’ offices. The Terms of Reference did not reflect what was recommended by various United Nations human rights bodies, human rights organizations, legal experts, Indigenous leaders, Indigenous women’s organizations, Indigenous experts, or by the families.




While there are many concerns with the draft Terms of Reference that were leaked by the media, the following is a brief overview of the main concerns as expressed by a variety of Indigenous women, families, leaders, experts and human rights allies:

(1)   Police: There is no specific mandate to investigate police conduct, specifically racism & sexualized violence within police forces towards Indigenous women & girls, their families and First Nations;

(2)   Evidence: There is no specific authorization for the inquiry to compel federal, provincial, and territorial documents, especially from police forces;

(3)   Human Rights: The inquiry is not structured within a human rights framework which is a major weakness given Canada’s failure to protect the domestic and international human rights of Indigenous women and girls has been cited as a root cause of the crisis;

(4)   Jurisdiction: There is no specific authority for the national inquiry to deal with matters  that some provinces may feel are within their exclusive jurisdiction, like the critical issue of child and family services. Similarly, there is no explicit legal clarity around cross-jurisdictional sharing of information that will be required in the inquiry.

(5)   Participant supports:There is no specific provision to provide protection from police for witnesses who bring forward information about police abuse. There are also no specific supports for travel, legal counsel or language translation.


My primary concern is related to the lack of specificity around racialized and sexualized police violence committed upon Indigenous women and girls and how police racism and misogyny impacts their decisions to investigate murders and disappearances or not, and the quality of those investigations.

As it stands now, there is no specific mandate to investigate failures by police forces to investigate murdered & missing Indigenous women & girls including both solved and unsolved cases, misnamed cases (murders deemed accidents), failures to file reports, failures to protect Indigenous women & girls; police facilitation (direct or indirect) of child prostitution and human trafficking, and the treatment of families and First Nations by police.


This is made all the more problematic by the fact that the draft Terms of Reference specifically directs the Commissioners NOT to investigate anything that could interfere with ongoing investigations – which would include cold cases not touched for over 20 years. Even more shocking is that Commissioners are instructed to send Indigenous families back to the same police forces that abused them, mistreated them or discriminated against them in the first place. Offering “navigators” akin to native court workers to help families deal with police processes is no replacement for a fulsome investigation of police failures and abuses, or the elimination of discriminatory police processes.


Even if one could argue that the current Terms of Reference does not need a specific mandate to review legislation, policies and oversight processes relating to policing and the justice system, the commissioners’ inability to compel police, their notes, or other police-held evidence under current laws and policies would make this implied power useless. These laws have resulted in a high impunity rate for police. If police officers who murdered unarmed racialized men in front of witnesses and on video can’t be compelled to cooperate with their own legislated Special Investigations Unit or share their notes and other evidence, what makes Trudeau think that some non-specific wording in the Terms of Reference will be able to do so? Canada is once again asking us to have faith in justice processes that protect police and harm Indigenous peoples. That is not what trust and partnership is about.


But Trudeau doesn’t have to take my word for it. Minister Bennett’s own report on the engagement sessions noted that not only should the inquiry be done in a human rights framework, but that the inquiry must address law enforcement – over and above systemic issues within the justice system. Families and experts from all over Canada said they want police accountability, independent reviews of cases, analysis of police racialized and sexualized conduct towards Indigenous women and girls, and the sexual exploitations of Indigenous women and girls.


Trudeau himself promised that the national inquiry would investigate “uncomfortable truths” and seek concrete actions related specifically to law enforcement. While the uncomfortable truth about police racism and sexualized violence, abuse and corruption has been in the public eye lately through media exposing the extensive nature of police abuses - Indigenous peoples have long known about this problem. We need this national inquiry to shine a light on this dark and uncomfortable truth for all to see, so we can put an end to it.

Prime Minister Trudeau, you made a promise to us. It’s up to you to force your Ministers to fulfill that promise. Convene a table this week so that Indigenous peoples can jointly draft the Terms of Reference and pick the Commissioners. Nothing less with live up to your Nation-to-Nation commitment. It’s never too late.

Additional resources:



 

 

 

National Inquiry or National Disgrace? Trudeau’s Next Step is Critical


Before being elected Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau told Canadians and First Nations that there was no more important relationship to him than the one with Indigenous peoples. To this end, he promised to engage with First Nations on a Nation-to-Nation basis where free, informed and prior consent means a veto. Once elected, he reiterated his promises:

(1)   Engage in a Nation-to-Nation relationship with First Nations;

(2)   Lift the 2% cap in First Nations education;

(3)   Review and repeal all the legislation former Prime Minister Harper imposed on First Nations without their consent;

(4)   Implement all 94 Calls to Action from the Truth and Reconciliation Report, which includes implementing the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP); and

(5)   Complete a national inquiry on murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls.


True to his word, Trudeau’s first order of business was to mandate Indian Affairs Minister Carolyn Bennett, Justice Minister Jodi Wilson-Raybould and Status of Women Minister Patti Hajdu to develop an approach and mandate for an inquiry into murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls to find justice for them. By mid-December 2015, the first engagement sessions were held with the families of murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls, Indigenous women and their representative organizations, Indigenous leaders, and human rights experts to determine the scope and process of the inquiry. While these meetings were ongoing, Canada accepted written submissions and also engaged in an online survey regarding the scope and process for the inquiry.


It is important to note that both the pre-inquiry engagement process and the inquiry itself were to be done within a new political context - one which focused on openness. Trudeau promised to “bring new leadership and a new tone to Ottawa” and “set a higher bar for openness and transparency in government”. In fact, he went so far as to say that “Government and its information should be open by default.” His reasoning for doing so was to ensure that Canadians can trust their government and that government remains focused on the people it is meant to serve. All of these promises come straight from the Ministerial mandate letters.


As promised, the government posted the dates and locations of meetings; posted overviews of each session online; and issued a summary report of what they had heard once the pre-inquiry sessions had ended in March 2015. Out of respect for what seemed to be a mostly positive process, most leaders and advocates held back their commentary in hopes that the next stage would soon follow.

In the months which followed, none of the mandated Ministers reported on what was happening with regard to the inquiry. Some of us were wondering when they would establish a table to begin jointly drafting the Terms of Reference based on the input from these sessions and begin the process of jointly choosing the commissioners for the inquiry. Such a table was never established. Instead, we only found out that the Terms of Reference were in fact being unilaterally drafted by federal and provincial governments when they were leaked to the press. Shortly thereafter, the names of the Commissioners were also leaked. This is when it became very clear that the government reverted to its old secretive ways and had no real intention of working on a Nation-to-Nation basis with First Nations. It was clear Trudeau’s commitment to openness, transparency and working in partnership with Indigenous peoples had ended.


http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/missing-murdered-indigenous-women-inquiry-unlikely-to-have-mandate-to-review-police-conduct/article31020957/

Despite Trudeau’s personal promise made at the Chiefs in Assembly that the “process by which it [inquiry] is established will be fully inclusive”, numerous requests to be a part of the drafting process, and be provided direct updates and briefings from the INAC Minister’s office, were either met with silence or commitments cancelled at the last minute. It was obvious that the government was playing politics with one of the most urgent issues ever to face Canada – the very lives of Indigenous women and girls. The renewed Nation-to-Nation relationship with Indigenous peoples was supposed to be based on “recognition of rights, respect, co-operation and partnership”. Trudeau had mandated these and other Ministers to work to gain the trust of Indigenous peoples and Canadians by demonstrating “honesty and willingness to listen”. Clearly, these Ministers have lost their way in regards to the national inquiry.

Being completely excluded from the drafting of the Terms of Reference and choosing the Commissioners was bad enough, but to face the wall of silence and exclusion made things much worse. Some of the families started to lose faith; Indigenous leaders were forced to speak out; and some Indigenous and allied advocates were pushed to raise their concerns publicly, since the direct route had been cut off. To make matters worse, the content of the draft Terms of Reference that were shared by the media, was a real slap in the face to many of those who participated in the engagement sessions, who made written submissions and/or who have tried to work very hard with various Ministers’ offices. The Terms of Reference did not reflect what was recommended by various United Nations human rights bodies, human rights organizations, legal experts, Indigenous leaders, Indigenous women’s organizations, Indigenous experts, or by the families.




While there are many concerns with the draft Terms of Reference that were leaked by the media, the following is a brief overview of the main concerns as expressed by a variety of Indigenous women, families, leaders, experts and human rights allies:

(1)   Police: There is no specific mandate to investigate police conduct, specifically racism & sexualized violence within police forces towards Indigenous women & girls, their families and First Nations;

(2)   Evidence: There is no specific authorization for the inquiry to compel federal, provincial, and territorial documents, especially from police forces;

(3)   Human Rights: The inquiry is not structured within a human rights framework which is a major weakness given Canada’s failure to protect the domestic and international human rights of Indigenous women and girls has been cited as a root cause of the crisis;

(4)   Jurisdiction: There is no specific authority for the national inquiry to deal with matters  that some provinces may feel are within their exclusive jurisdiction, like the critical issue of child and family services. Similarly, there is no explicit legal clarity around cross-jurisdictional sharing of information that will be required in the inquiry.

(5)   Participant supports:There is no specific provision to provide protection from police for witnesses who bring forward information about police abuse. There are also no specific supports for travel, legal counsel or language translation.


My primary concern is related to the lack of specificity around racialized and sexualized police violence committed upon Indigenous women and girls and how police racism and misogyny impacts their decisions to investigate murders and disappearances or not, and the quality of those investigations.

As it stands now, there is no specific mandate to investigate failures by police forces to investigate murdered & missing Indigenous women & girls including both solved and unsolved cases, misnamed cases (murders deemed accidents), failures to file reports, failures to protect Indigenous women & girls; police facilitation (direct or indirect) of child prostitution and human trafficking, and the treatment of families and First Nations by police.


This is made all the more problematic by the fact that the draft Terms of Reference specifically directs the Commissioners NOT to investigate anything that could interfere with ongoing investigations – which would include cold cases not touched for over 20 years. Even more shocking is that Commissioners are instructed to send Indigenous families back to the same police forces that abused them, mistreated them or discriminated against them in the first place. Offering “navigators” akin to native court workers to help families deal with police processes is no replacement for a fulsome investigation of police failures and abuses, or the elimination of discriminatory police processes.


Even if one could argue that the current Terms of Reference does not need a specific mandate to review legislation, policies and oversight processes relating to policing and the justice system, the commissioners’ inability to compel police, their notes, or other police-held evidence under current laws and policies would make this implied power useless. These laws have resulted in a high impunity rate for police. If police officers who murdered unarmed racialized men in front of witnesses and on video can’t be compelled to cooperate with their own legislated Special Investigations Unit or share their notes and other evidence, what makes Trudeau think that some non-specific wording in the Terms of Reference will be able to do so? Canada is once again asking us to have faith in justice processes that protect police and harm Indigenous peoples. That is not what trust and partnership is about.


But Trudeau doesn’t have to take my word for it. Minister Bennett’s own report on the engagement sessions noted that not only should the inquiry be done in a human rights framework, but that the inquiry must address law enforcement – over and above systemic issues within the justice system. Families and experts from all over Canada said they want police accountability, independent reviews of cases, analysis of police racialized and sexualized conduct towards Indigenous women and girls, and the sexual exploitations of Indigenous women and girls.


Trudeau himself promised that the national inquiry would investigate “uncomfortable truths” and seek concrete actions related specifically to law enforcement. While the uncomfortable truth about police racism and sexualized violence, abuse and corruption has been in the public eye lately through media exposing the extensive nature of police abuses - Indigenous peoples have long known about this problem. We need this national inquiry to shine a light on this dark and uncomfortable truth for all to see, so we can put an end to it.

Prime Minister Trudeau, you made a promise to us. It’s up to you to force your Ministers to fulfill that promise. Convene a table this week so that Indigenous peoples can jointly draft the Terms of Reference and pick the Commissioners. Nothing less will live up to your Nation-to-Nation commitment. It’s never too late.

Additional resources:



 

 

 

Friday, May 13, 2016

Canadians are not racist? Indigenous Invisibility versus the Convenience of Racist Indifference - UPDATED

This week, former Prime Minister Paul Martin, told the media that the failure to address the many overlapping crises faced by Indigenous peoples is not a problem with Canadians – Canadians are not racist. The problem is with Indigenous peoples – we are invisible. Martin further alleges that Canadians are “a generous people” that will “rise to the occasion” to support others in need – if they are aware of the issue.

 
In my opinion, not only do we have a very deep and long-standing race problem in some segments of Canadian society, but this racism has also infected every level, branch and institution of the municipal, provincial, territorial and federal governments. This race problem is not new. It is in fact, one of the primary root causes of the challenges faced by Indigenous peoples today. Canadians are well aware of both the racism issue and the many over-lapping crises in First Nations.

Racism in Canada is Real

The racism experienced by Indigenous peoples in Canada is not just a matter of insult or offence. While there are no shortage of racist, hateful comments made about us as individuals, communities and Nations – the racism we face is lethal. It doesn’t just hurt our feelings – it leads to our pre-mature deaths in a large variety of ways. Scalping bounties led to the deaths on thousands of Mi’kmaw people. There was a higher death rate for Indigenous kids in residential schools than for soldiers in WWII. Thousands of Indigenous peoples are murdered or are disappeared. We have higher rates of disease and injury. And deaths while in the custody of hospitals, foster parents and police show how prevalent racism against Indigenous peoples is in Canada.


This isn’t just my opinion. The Royal Commission on the Donald Marshall Prosecution in 1989 found that he was wrongfully prosecuted and failed by everyone in the justice system because he was native. 1996 Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples spoke about racism against Indigenous women. The Aboriginal Justice Inquiry in Manitoba in 1999 admitted the justice system fails Indigenous peoples on a “massive scale”. The 2007 Ipperwash report confirmed that racism in the Ontario Provincial Police was widespread. And there have been many other reports which all speak to the deep-seated racism within Canada and its institutions.

We’ve known for a very long time that stories in the media about Indigenous peoples draws a high number of racist and hateful comments from all segments of society including teachers, professors, authors, professionals and politicians. In November of 2015, the General Manager and Editor in Chief of CBC News Canada issued a statement explaining why CBC will no longer allow comments on stories about Indigenous peoples. The reason for this is that Indigenous-related stories brought out “higher-than-average” comments which were not only hateful but also racist.

 
MacLean’s magazine even went so far as to say that Canada’s race problem is far worse than America’s and part of what makes it so bad is that Canadians keep denying they are racist.


In case you require something a little more official, the Ontario Human Rights Commission confirms that Canada has “a legacy of racism – particularly towards Aboriginal persons”.


The fact that Canada is so systemically and overtly racist is one of the reasons why Canada has so many laws against racism and hate speech, including federal and provincial human rights acts, the Criminal Code and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and is a signatory to numerous international human rights instruments. There would be no need for these protections if there were no issues around racism in Canada.

Invisibility versus Racist Indifference

Let’s just address this fiction before it becomes the new Liberal mantra. Neither Indigenous peoples, nor the many over-lapping crises we face are invisible. While 50% of Indigenous people live in remote reserves, about 50% live in or near urban centres. One can’t walk down the street in Winnipeg or Saskatoon without seeing Indigenous people. In terms of the challenges we face, First Nations like Attawapiskat have put our higher rates of suicide, poverty, homelessness in the forefront and is a prime example of Canada’s racist and differential responses to First Nation crises versus Canadian crises (Walkerton, Halifax, Fort McMurray).

 
Indigenous activists like Cindy Blackstock have ensured that Canadians are well aware of the over-representation of First Nations kids in foster care. The Canadian Human Rights Tribunal concluded that the reason for the chronic underfunding and disproportionate number of kids in foster care was because they were native. The problem of racism in Canada means that a tribunal actually had to direct Canada to stop its discriminatory treatment of Indigenous kids - and we are all still waiting for Canada to abide by this decision.

 
The Native Women’s Association of Canada led the way with public education and advocacy to focus the country’s attention on the thousands of murdered and missing Indigenous women. Even Canada’s own Attorney General and Office of the Correctional Investigator rang the alarm on Canada’s discriminatory treatment of Indigenous peoples which led to under-funded education systems and prisons over-represented with Indigenous peoples. We are far from invisible, but don’t take their words for it – the numbers speak for themselves.

In 2010, a study by Environics showed that 60% of Canadians are either somewhat or very familiar with Indigenous issues. This is nothing new. In fact, over the last two decades, at least half of Canadians were familiar with Indigenous issues. The majority of Canadians also believe that the challenges faced by Indigenous peoples are the result of the attitudes of non-Indigenous people and government policies. Since 1993, Canadians have ranked addressing the living conditions on reserve as one of the top priorities. There is absolutely no doubt that Canadians and their politicians know about the issues.

 
Idle No More, the largest social movement in Canada’s history, brought the issues of social conditions and unresolved treaties and land claims to the front of the media, government and world’s attention and held it there for nearly a year. But Indigenous peoples didn’t just capture the media headlines in 2012. There have been regular flash points over the last few decades that garnered a great deal of media attention including Listuguj, Oka, Gustafsen Lake, Ipperwash, Burnt Church, Elsipogtog, Caledonia and others. There are few in Canada who could claim that Indigenous peoples are invisible. They may not want to acknowledge the lethal results of this kind of racism, but they are aware it exists. After the Truth and Reconciliation Report, few can deny the racist underpinnings of Canada's genocidal policies against Indigenous peoples.

So, no, racism is not a figment of our imaginations. The many tombstones from Indigenous peoples killed at the hands of priests, doctors, foster parents, police and bureaucrats prove otherwise. And, no, Indigenous peoples are not invisible. There isn’t a newspaper, news channel or magazine that hasn’t had pictures of dirty water, run down homes, or deceased Indigenous women as their lead story at some point. And finally, no, most Canadians are not unaware of our dire circumstances. It’s the racist segments of society that make a conscious choice to turn a blind eye to our suffering while running to the aid of their non-Indigenous neighbor.
 
There are many authors, media commentators and people in society who deny the racist views held by the countless individuals and institutions who have stolen, sterilized, experimented on, scalped, beaten, raped, murdered, and dispossessed Indigenous peoples of their identities, cultures, children, lands, resources and independence. In my opinion, denying the racism which instigates the high level of violence and suffering in First Nations, is itself an act of racism. It is far too convenient to be willfully blind or indifferent to the lethal impacts of racism on Indigenous peoples. Apologies are easy, as are empty diversity policies, and promises for a new relationship. The hard work is in making amends for the damage done and which continues to be done to Indigenous peoples by people and governments which still have racist ideologies and intentions.

Canada was built on the dispossession, oppression and genocide of Indigenous peoples. Addressing racism now means far more than apologies, photo-ops and fancy words – it means the return of our lands and resources, the recognition of our jurisdiction, and the full implementation of our rights. This means land, wealth, and power changes hands - it means an uncomfortable recognition that Canada benefits from our continued oppression. Justice will require some discomfort. If it isn't uncomfortable, it isn't justice.
 
This isn’t a multi-cultural issue or one of diversity – we are not asking for “equality”, we are demanding justice. If we are going to move forward, we can't hide behind the convenience of the status quo. We have to be brave enough to shine a light on the problem and work together to address is. Indigenous peoples have many allies in Canadian society - not everyone is racist. Unfortunately, many still hold racist views which threaten our lives.
 
I think we can all do better than pretend the problem of racism against Indigenous peoples doesn't exist. While the new theme may be reconciliation, reconciliation is not a process in an of itself - it starts first with the truth. If Canada cannot admit it has a racism problem, then we can never take steps to address it. Let's continue the conversation in an open and honest way. Racism does exist in Canada.

UPDATE:

These comments that Mr. Martin said upset me. I've had to think about why they upset me so much, because it's not like I haven't heard them made many times from many different people. I don't react to the vast majority of these comments. I know these comments originate from people who are in different places and in different contexts. I believe most people are good people at heart. Most of us love our families and communities and we want to see a brighter future for everyone. So, in fairness to Mr. Martin, perhaps in making those comments, he meant to show faith in Canadian citizens that once they know about Indigenous struggles they will act. His recent interviews seem to suggest that since leaving office, he wants to advocate on their behalf. He recently denounced former Prime Minister Chretien's comments who suggested that First Nations should leave reserves; he has advocated for improved First Nation education and set up a foundation for that purpose; and he consistently called the chronic underfunding of First Nations social programs discriminatory. My blog was less about him - as a person - and more about the comments in general.

I also know that we are in the business of social justice to gain support for our cause. I have been advised by lots of people who have heard me speak that I should tone down my words, be careful not to come on too strong, and to focus on encouraging allies and not make enemies. As a Mi'kmaw person, I am honour-bound to live up to the treaty commitments of my ancestors who promised to live in peace with the settlers. My Dad fought in WWII alongside Canadians to ensure our treaty commitments were kept. He did his despite everything that has been done to us. So, I understand the importance of maintaining allies. I have strong opinions and I share them not to hurt anyone, but to advocate as strenuously as possible for our people, because our lives depend on it. I feel a grave sense of urgency to not lose another generation of babies. I don't want to see our languages die. I don't want our lands to become so contaminated we can't use them for our ceremonies. I have to be honest and say the truth as I see it. I've been in ceremonies where elders told me I have no choice but to speak the truth - regardless of the backlash. I have to be honest. Sugar-coating the situation only makes it worse. Sometimes the truth is uncomfortable and sometimes its painful - but its from the truth that we can come up with solutions. Reconciliation requires we go through this painful part to finally heal and make amends.

It's 2016 - there is no good reason to hold onto racist ideologies that allow the discrimination, violence, dispossession and oppression of our people to continue. It's very frustrating to see our kids be forced into foster care, imprisoned, beaten by police, commit suicide or go murdered and missing every day. Every single day while governments ponder their budgets, edit speaking points and delay justice, another Indigenous man, woman or child suffers. what that politicians meet in wood-paneled offices with expensive meals while they talk about measured justice, first steps and plans for the future, our people still die. People I love still die. This is why I speak and write the way I do. To us, the issues are urgent. We can't ever get our people back once we have lost them. We have to act now.

While the easy answer might be to blame a rogue cop, a psycho serial killer or the KKK, the reality is that there are large segments of Canadian society in positions of power that hold extremely racist views about Indigenous peoples. Harper's last decade of power is a prime example of how rampant racism is and the impacts it has on First Nations. Racism is not an anomaly. Its not an exception. It's not about one bad apple - its widespread and it's killing my people. Most of my friends and colleagues that work, study or volunteer in social justice causes hate answering the phone late at night. We know that it means another Indigenous person has committed suicide, died, been arrested or had their children taken from them. We all dread these calls. Because even though the government may have shifted a priority or the media has left, we are always left with the lived realities of not just inter-generational trauma, but modern-day racist laws, policies and decisions which affect our lives.

I think this is why I reacted so strongly to Mr. Martin's comments. Not because I think he is a racist or that all Canadians are racist. Mr. Martin has helped many individual First Nation people access education funds, he has supported them find employment, he has advocated strenuously in recent years for government to step up and act. On a personal level, he was supportive of my work at Ryerson University and even the work of many of us in the Idle No More movement. I think more people in positions of power should stand up and demand justice alongside our grassroots Canadians and Indigenous Nations.

I truly believe we cannot have reconciliation until we can be brave enough to hear the dark truth, challenge one another on our opinions and be critical of what isn't working. This shouldn't be taken personally, but social conflict is a necessary part of growth, change and improvement.

I apologize to anyone who thought I was saying that ALL Canadians are racist. I know that we have many good allies. In fact, Idle No More helped bring us all together. There has never been so much good will and cooperation between non-government organizations and community groups with Indigenous peoples. We have united to work jointly on child-welfare, anti-poverty, housing and homelessness, climate change and the environment, and human rights. The United Nations Human Rights Committee said last year that they never saw such a united force. I would like to believe that our collective efforts at social justice will make the changes we want to see in Canada.

I am sorry that this process won't be easy, it won't be speedy, and we won't always feel like we are on the same side. I hope in the end, you understand why it's necessary.

 
 
 

 

Thursday, July 23, 2015

United Nations Human Rights Committee Critiques Canada's Human Rights Violations of Indigenous Peoples

Today, the United Nations Human Rights Committee released its Concluding Observations on Canada's sixth report in relation to Canada's compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (advanced unedited version). While it commended recent legislation adopted by individual provinces in relation to human rights, there was no overall commendation for Canada. In fact, the majority of the report expressed numerous concerns about Canada's failures in relation to the basic human rights of Indigenous peoples.

The United Nations Human Rights Committee directed Canada to "widely disseminate" this report among judicial, legislative and administrative authorities, civil society, non-governmental organizations and the general public. It is not likely that Canada will do so, therefore, here is a summary of some of their concerns and key recommendations specific to Indigenous peoples:

GENDER EQUALITY

Concern: "persisting inequalities between women and men" including "high level of the pay gap" which is more pronounced for Indigenous women and the "underrepresentation of women in leadership positions in the public and private sectors";

Recommendations:
(a) guarantee equal pay for equal work, with special focus on Indigenous women;
(b) promote better representation of women in leadership;

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN

Concern: "continued high prevalence of domestic violence in the State party, in particular violence against women and girls, that mostly affects indigenous and minority women" as well as insufficiency of shelters and failure of police to investigate and prosecute;

Recommendations:
(a) make efforts to "firmly combat" domestic violence against women in all forms, especially Indigenous women;
(b) investigate all reported cases and follow through with prosecutions;
(c) increase shelters and support services;

MURDERED AND MISSING INDIGENOUS WOMEN AND GIRLS

Concern: "indigenous women and girls are disproportionately affected by life-threatening forms of violence, homicides and disappearances" and Canada's "failure to provide adequate and effective responses" and failure to provide information about their investigations, prosecutions and punishments of those responsible;

Recommendations:
(a) conduct a national inquiry on murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls in consultation with Indigenous women's organizations and families;
(b) review its legislation to prevent further murders and disappearances;
(c) investigate & prosecute offenders & provide reparations to victims;
(d) address the root causes of violence against Indigenous women and girls;

EXCESSIVE FORCE DURING PROTESTS AND POLICE ACCOUNTABILITY

Concern: "excessive use of force by law enforcement officers during mass arrests in the context of protests at federal and provincial levels, with particular reference to indigenous land-related protests" as well as concerns about "complaints not always promptly investigated and the lenient nature of sanctions imposed";

Recommendations:
(a) ensure all allegations of ill-treatment and excessive use of force by police investigated;
(b) need strong independent oversight bodies with adequate resources;
(c) those responsible are prosecuted and punished with appropriate penalties;

INDIGENOUS LANDS AND TITLES

Concern: "potential extinguishment of indigenous land rights and titles" and the number of years of unresolved land disputes places financial burden on Indigenous peoples and "Indigenous peoples are not always consulted" on legislation that impacts our lands and rights;

Recommendations:
(a) seek free informed and prior consent for legislation and actions that impacts our lands and rights;
(b) resolve land and resource disputes.

INDIAN ACT

Concern: "slow" pace at which Canada is removing gender discrimination in the Indian Act thereby preventing Indigenous women and their descendants from transmitting Indian status equally with men

Recommendation:
(a) remove all remaining discriminatory effects of Indian Act for Indigenous women and children so they enjoy rights of Indian status on equal footing with men;

OVERREPRESENTATION OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN JUSTICE SYSTEM

Concern: "disproportionately high rate of incarceration of indigenous people, including women, in federal and provincial prisons across Canada"

Recommendation:
(a) prevent excessive use of incarceration of Indigenous peoples;
(b) wherever possible use alternatives to detention (including serving sentences in communities);

SITUATION OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES

Concern: "risk of disappearances of indigenous languages", "lack of access to basic needs", lack of funding for child welfare, and not all students of residential schools have been given redress;

Recommendations:
(a) implement and reinforce programs to provide basic needs;
(b) programs to preserve Indigenous languages; and
(c) provide child and family services on reserve with sufficient funding;
(d) implement TRC recommendations;

Canada should be ashamed that it has such a poor record on protecting the basic human rights of Indigenous peoples - especially in relation to Indigenous women and children. It is a disgrace that Canada sits with other countries, like Mexico, for the continued murders and disappearances of Indigenous women and girls. Even after decades of litigation, Canada has still has not addressed Indian Act gender discrimination which excludes thousands of children of Indigenous women. Canada has no defense for its discriminatory under-funding of First Nations children in care which causes hardship for our most vulnerable. The extreme poverty, over-representation of our people in prison, dying languages, and Canada's continued failure to respect our Indigenous rights and title have all been noticed by the United Nations as violations of our basic human rights.

It is long past the time for Canada to address these long-standing human rights violations of Indigenous peoples - this is not the Canada anyone envisioned - including our mutual ancestors who signed peace and friendship treaties.





Sunday, July 12, 2015

My Brief for the Human Rights Committee's Concluding Observations of Canada: Clarifications Related to Canada's Testimony

Corporate Social Responsibility

In the review, Canada stated that international treaties ratified by Canada are not binding law in Canada. Canada also stated that Canadian companies doing business abroad are expected to demonstrate Canadian values and follow applicable human rights laws. However, if the State does not consider ICCPRapplicable law in Canada, then its corporate entities would have no reason to respect the human rights contained therein. 

I would thus recommend that the Committee both clarify the UN’s position in this regard and recommend to Canada to specifically implement the ICCPR into domestic law.

Gender Equality

In the review Canada stated that it is committed to gender equality and claimed that women make 91% of what men make. In fact, the national wage gap in Canada is 18%, much higher than other countries. In some provinces like Ontario, that gap can reach 31%. The gap is significantly higher for Indigenous peoples at 30% compared to average Canadian, and in some areas of Canada, the gap is as high as 88%. 

I would recommend that the Committee recommend that Canada undertake specific measures and develop specific targets and measures to address sex discrimination generally and the wage gap specifically.

The Federal Court of Appeal in McIvor case confirmed gender discrimination, but Canada enacted Bill C-3 without consulting with First Nations, and which specifically denied any compensation for Indigenous women impacted. Indigenous women and descendants are the only group in Canada that has ever been denied compensation for a Charter right violation. 

The Committee should also recommend that Canada negotiate a compensation package for all the Indigenous women and their descendants reinstated by Bill C-3 for loss of services (education, housing, health benefits, training). 

Violence against Indigenous Women

Canada stated that one measure to combat violence against Indigenous women are the 40 shelters on reserve. It should be noted that there are 633 reserves in Canada, which means there are shelters in less than 6% of on-reserve communities. Canada also portrayed the crisis of murdered and missing Indigenous women as one of crime, when domestic and UN reports have confirmed the root causes are in Canada’s discriminatory laws and policies, the culture of violence against Indigenous women, and the chronic and discriminatory underfunding of essential human services, like food, water, housing, education and health. 

I would recommend that the Committee support the recommendations of the Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, IACHR and CEDAW to develop a national action plan to address the socio-economic conditions which result in the disproportionate vulnerability to violence in partnership with Indigenous communities and Indigenous women’s organizations and commit to a national inquiry.

Indigenous Children in Care

Canada submitted that it does not know what factors are at play to explain the gross over-representation of Indigenous children in state care. 50% of all children in care in Canada are Indigenous, despite being only 4% of the population and represent 90% of children in care in provinces like Manitoba. Canada’s own studies have shown that the root causes are poverty, the chronic underfunding of child and family services for First Nations on reserve, inter-generational trauma from residential schools and state discrimination. 

I would recommend that the Committee recommend that Canada fund Indigenous Child and Family Services at levels no less than provincial levels, with extra funding to address the backlog and volume of cases and for additional Indigenous staff, training, and infrastructure for CFS services on reserve with a focus of keeping children in their families, communities and cultures.

Indian Act Sex Discrimination

Canada stated in its response to the List of Issues at para.125 that: “the Indian registration provisions in the current Indian Act do not discriminate against women”. When questioned by Committee about unresolved sex discrimination in the Act, it responded that Bill C-3 was “a step forward” and “no one sees it as anywhere near being concluded”, but that Canada prefers an “incremental approach”. This is not a good faith application of either domestic or international law obligations in relation to gender equality. Practically, this means Canada prefers to defend lengthy and costly law suits which take upwards of 25 years to reach the Supreme Court of Canada. There is no justifiable reason for Indigenous women and their descendants to wait 139 years for the Actto be slowly amended to eliminate gender discrimination. 

Indigenous women and their descendants are already impoverished and without Indian status, miss out on health benefits, post-secondary education, and other social programs critical to their health, safety, and well-being; which we already know makes them vulnerable to violence. Canada also stated that they have a “Special Rapporteur” that is currently “consulting” with First Nations on how to clean up the Indian Act discrimination. This is simply not true – and if it has done so, they have not informed anyone. 

I would recommend that the Committee recommend to Canada that it amend the Indian Act to eliminate all sex discrimination in the Indian Act’s registration provisions and it could start by immediately by amending the registration provisions as follows:

(a)    remove the 1951 cut-off and ensure that all direct descendants on the female Aboriginal line, born prior to April 17, 1985, are accorded the same 6(1) status as the descendants on the male line;

(b)   ensure that no one born prior to April 17, 1985 who is entitled to status is consigned to s. 6(2) status;

(c)    ensure that entitlement to 6(1) status is extended to the female child of the status man and non-status woman who were unmarried; and

(d) all administrative barriers are removed so that unmarried status Indian women are able to transmit their Indian status to their children, even if the father is unstated.

Police Misconduct

In responding to various concerns raised in Committee related to sex discrimination, violence against Indigenous women, and police misconduct, Canada failed to mention the major class action suit filed against the RCMP by female staff and officers for sex discrimination. It failed to mention the Human Rights Watch report which documented instances of RCMP sexually and physically assaulted Indigenous girls. It also did not mention the Donald Marshall Inquiry, Manitoba Justice Inquiry or Ipperwash Inquiry which all found that racism against Indigenous peoples in Canada’s police forces is a major problem that has yet to be addressed. 

I would recommend that the Committee recommend that Canada develop a more robust and transparent oversight mechanism for all police forces that is completely independent from both political and police interference which a specific focus on and Indigenous ombudsperson for Indigenous peoples.


UNDRIP

In the review, Canada did not orally respond to the question in committee about whether Canada has changed domestic law and policy to align with its endorsement of UNDRIP. In Canada’s Statement of Support it states: (1) it is an aspirational document (2) it’s not legally binding in Canada (3) it does not reflect customary international law (4) it does not change Canadian law. When former Minister of Indian Affairs John Duncan was questioned on the impact of UNDRIP, he responded that Canada has its "own agenda" and as a result does not "anticipate any significant change". Canada’s endorsement of UNDRIP is not done in good faith or with intention to have any practical effect. 

I would thus recommend that the Committee recommend to Canada that Canada implement the UNDRIP in good faith.

Indigenous Languages

In the review, Canada stated that the reason for Indigenous language loss included migration and the media. The real cause of language loss stems from Canada’s assimilatory laws and policies, like residential schools, which tortured, abused and shamed children for speaking their languages. Indigenous languages were literally beaten out of many generations of Indigenous children. Canada admitted this in its residential school apology: “The government now recognizes that the consequences of the Indian Residential Schools policy were profoundly negative and that this policy has had a lasting and damaging impact on Aboriginal culture, heritage and language.”

Immediately after this apology, Canada cut funding to Indigenous languages further exacerbating the problem. Canada’s legal and economic promotion and support of English and French has not been extended to the same degree for Indigenous languages and they have no data to show that their minimal efforts in this regard have increased language use. In fact, Canada’s $5 million/year language budget amounts to less than $5 per Indigenous person in Canada annually. It is simply impossible to save languages at this token level. 

I would recommend that the Committee supports the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Report and recommend that Canada provide immediate and significant funding to First Nations on par with funding that supports English and French languages, to ensure immersion and adult programs in every First Nation in Canada.

Submitted by Dr. Pamela D. Palmater, Mi'kmaw Nation, sponsored by Franciscans International, on July 9, 2015 in Geneva, Switzerland.

 Note:


                              (Some of the NGOs in Geneva Switzerland)

After hearing a great deal of misinformation and non-answers from Canada during the United Nations Human Rights Committee's review of Canada's obligations under ICCPR (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights); some of the NGO's (non-governmental organizations) that attended asked if we could submit clarifications to the committee before they conclude their review. We were given permission to do so, and some of us submitted briefs which were to be no longer than one page. My original submission contains footnotes and links to sources not provided here.

Some of the other NGO's (like FAFIA and Amnesty International), made clarifications and recommendations related to various issues, some of which included:

- addressing homelessness as part of the right to life;

- insufficient review and oversight of security and law enforcement under Bill C-51; 

- the need to support unanimous recommendations by all international human rights bodies recommending a national inquiry and action plan on murdered and missing Indigenous women; 

- need to Canada to respect laws related to free, informed and prior consent of Indigenous peoples for land use, including extractive industries;

-  removal of sex discrimination from the Indian Act registration provisions; and 

- clarifications around the skewed RCMP statistics which try to paint a discriminatory picture of Indigenous peoples.

Canada was given 48 hours to submit written material to supplement their oral testimony. The Committee's conclusions are due July 23, 2015.
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